Syria:Controversy Over Syria Opposition Gathering

This article originally appeared in the Institute for War and Peace Reporting, www.iwpr.net

Controversy Over Syria Opposition Gathering

By Zoe Holman - The Arab Spring

Arab Spring Issue 20,

Middle East expert Rime Allaf looks at the implications of an unprecedented meeting of activists in Damascus.

Almost 200 Syrian opposition members gathered in Damascus on June 27 to call for an end to the violence and a peaceful transition to democracy. But all those who attended the event - which included activists, intellectuals and artists - were approved by the Syrian authorities, prompting criticism that it was merely a publicity stunt by the regime. Chatham House Middle East associate fellow Rime Allaf assesses the significance of the meeting.

Who are the opposition activists who met in Damascus?

There is no such thing as “the opposition” in Syria. It is nothing like in Great Britain where there is some sort of united internal party or movement. Instead, there are many different groups and individuals, both on the ground and abroad which together have now come to be known as the opposition. It is still very much a divided and emerging force and includes a number of activists and local committees who refused to attend the Damascus meeting. What can be said is that those groups and individuals who did attend are looking for a solution to the current crisis that is not continued violence, and this can only be a positive thing.

What is the significance of this meeting for the Syrian uprising?

Despite the fact that it was chaotic and flawed in many ways, this meeting is completely historic. Four months ago, the regime would never even have recognised the notion of an opposition – anyone who even mentioned changing the regime on March 1 would have been imprisoned. But now Assad has been forced to come out publicly and say that yes, there is an opposition in Syria. We suddenly have a meeting in the middle of Damascus and the only reason this event could take place was because of the determination of the Syrian people protesting in the streets for the past four months, not giving up in spite of the very heavy toll; the killings of unarmed demonstrators; the jailings and the torture. This is by no means a measure of goodwill by the Assad regime, but rather a concession that they had no choice but to try and quieten the opposition. Whether or not the event leads to anything more, the regime has still been forced to allow it and the Syrian people can say that they made this happen.

The meeting has been criticised as a ruse by the regime. Can it be seen as just another attempt by the president to show that he is a reformer?

It is a very valid point that the regime is trying to use this for its own benefit. Assad wants to say that he launched the initiative as part of his promise of national dialogue and in many ways it worked, because immediately he was praised by the United States for allowing it. However, I don’t think the Syrian people are buying into this performance, and we still need to acknowledge that the popular pressure on the regime has been effective. Of course, only people approved by the regime were allowed to attend, and the event was full of secret police, but this does not give us a reason to belittle the participants. Many of these opposition figures have been imprisoned by the regime for their dissent and are well-respected activists. Nobody can blame this large opposition movement as being “the bad guys” who are paid by foreign parties or who are working with foreign agendas.

A lot of other well-known figures and local opposition groups chose to boycott the meeting, and I think rightly. But this should not be seen as an attempt to belittle the meeting, but as a strong strategic initiative to avoid sending any positive messages to the regime. It is a way of saying to Assad, “If you think this is going to be enough, you are wrong.” This is an even tougher way of putting pressure on the Syrian authorities, but it is not attacking the opposition, it is attacking the regime.

What effect, if any, can the meeting have on the regime?

The opposition has made it clear that there will be no dialogue with the regime as long as the violence continues. But whether or not this will yield any fruit, it is still far, far too early to even speculate. Nothing is going to bring down this regime quickly. Assad will not give up easily and I cannot see that this meeting will have any automatic effect. But the fact that people have dared to show up and attempt to lead the country to a fairer and more just system is in itself an unprecedented accomplishment, in the hope that continued popular pressure will put a stop to the repression and the killings. Even though international pressure has not forced the regime to change its ways, the Syrian people themselves, be they spontaneous demonstrators or civil society activists, are forcing these changes, for themselves. All the credit goes to them.

Rime Allaf is a Middle East associate fellow at Chatham House in London.

Zoe Holman is an IWPR contributor.

Defense: Indian Navy to buy 80 interception boats from Sri Lankan firm

IRNA - As part of the exercise to strengthen coastal security post 26/11, Indian Navy has decided to procure 80 interception boats at a cost of Rs 300 crore from a Sri Lanka-based ship manufacturer

The boats are planned to be used by the newly formed Sagar Prahari Bal (SPB) and other wings of the Navy, pti reported quoting naval officials as said.

The contract process for 80 Fast Interception Craft (FIC) from Sri Lanka-based SOLAS Marine is in its final stages and the deal is expected to be finalised soon, they said.

The Navy had last year placed an order worth around Rs 60 crore for 15 such boats with a French shipyard Chantier Naval Couach.

The first three boats of the lot were inducted four days back for operational service at Mumbai, they said.

Delivery of the first 15 FICs is expected to be completed by the end of 2012 and the next 80 would be inducted in coming 36 months, they said.

The boats, with speeds between 45-50 miles per hour, would be mainly deployed for coastal security duties and would be used for engaging any suspicious vessel or activity in these areas, they said.

With four to five crew members and capability to patrol far off areas, the boats would also be deployed to provide protection to vital assets and installations along the coastal areas.
Post 26/11 attacks, the Navy was given the responsibility to look after coastal security along with the Coast Guard and the local authorities.

Sudan: Sudan closest to civil war since 2005 peace agreement warns global coalition of NGOS

Aegis Trust, Darfur Consortium, Enough Project, Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, Global Witness, Interchurch Organisation for Development Co-operation, International Refugee Rights Initiative

Violations of peace agreement should trigger further sanctions

(1 July 2011) With only days before South Sudan is due to secede on 9 July, Sudan is the closest to war that it has been since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between North and South Sudan in January 2005, said a global coalition of NGOs.

In a new report published today, “Beyond the Pledge: International Engagement After Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement”, a coalition of 22 civil society organisations from Sudan, other African countries, Middle East, Europe and the US warn that Northern and Southern Sudan could slip into all-out conflict unless the international community adopts a more robust strategy of engagement, including targeted sanctions.

“Unless the international community acts fast to stop conflict along the border, we could be plunged into all-out war again. We have come so far since the bloodiest days of the civil war but could lose it all. International support helped us find peace, now we need urgent help to keep it” said David De Dau, Director of Agency for Independent Media, a Sudanese member of the coalition.

“The international community must recalibrate their relationship with North and South Sudan. For the North, this means sustaining pressure on the government to enact genuine political reform and bring an end to the conflict in Darfur. For the South, this means increasing international criticism of corruption and harassment of human rights activists” said Tom Andrews, President, Genocide Intervention Network / Save Darfur Coalition.

The report highlights how, as Northern and Southern leaders move to strengthen their positions before Sudan splits in two, violence between the two sides has escalated alarmingly: - Recent military attacks along the border in Abyei and Southern Kordofan have had a dire impact on civilians; forcing over 174,000 people to flee and affecting a further 1.4 million people.
- Between January and mid-May 2011, over 117,000 people were displaced and almost 1,400 killed in South Sudan alone, more deaths than in all of 2010 - In Darfur, approximately 70,000 Darfuris were displaced between December 2010 and March 2011, and there were at least 80 Government air strikes against civilian populations from January to April 2011

“Democratic reform must not be allowed to slip from the agenda in Sudan. As the Arab world fights for its freedom, oppression and human rights abuses in North Sudan continue unchecked. And in the South, misgovernance and authoritarian rule are increasing. The opportunity to help the people of Sudan will slip through the fingers of the international community unless this is dealt with now” said Osman Hummaida, Sudanese human rights activist and Director of the African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies.

The report urges the international community to increase the robustness of their engagement on Sudan in response to military aggression by either side by: - Enforcing a demilitarised zone and deploying peace-keepers along the border - Increasing targeted sanctions by the European Union and others, including travel bans and asset freezes on those most responsible for the violence - Withholding debt relief - Withholding the normalisation of US diplomatic relations - Withholding benefits of full diplomatic relations

The report also recommends that the UN Security Council should mandate and deploy a successor peacekeeping operation to the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) that has protection of civilians as its top priority.

Egypt: The Story of Egyptian Revolution Retold

By Sameh Naguib*

Courtesy IDN-InDepth NewsReport

LONDON (IDN) - As the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin said, "There are decades when nothing happens; and there are weeks when decades happen."

For years, Egyptian activists would plan a day of protest — and on the planned day a few hundred of the usual suspects would show up. We would be surrounded by 3-4,000 riot police, and after chanting, speeches and a few confrontations with the police, the planned day would end.

Activists were more optimistic about January 25, 2011, because of the Tunisian spark. This time we might get several thousand people, at least in two or three of the main centres. Perhaps we could even reach 10,000! But none of the activists in our wildest dreams could have imagined what actually took place that day.

The demonstrations started with the usual slogans. But as soon as the now famous Tunisian chant was shouted – "The people demand the downfall of the regime" – something seemed to have changed.

More and more people came down from their houses and started shouting the slogan with overwhelming passion. Men and women, young and old, Christians and Muslims took part – the vast majority poor Egyptians.

The louder they shouted that magical slogan, the more it echoed in the poor alleyways, the more people joined. What started with a few hundred activists turned into mass demonstrations of tens of thousands. The fear and confusion of the police was palpable. They were ordered to retreat to the major junctions in an attempt to prevent the demonstrators from reaching the city centres.

It is there that the major battles on that historic day took place. Water cannons, rubber bullets and endless rounds of tear gas canisters were used to beat back the protesters.

OBSTACLE

By far the most difficult obstacle was the choking tear gas. But the more seasoned demonstrators started organising the distribution of clinical masks, cola cans and onions – provided freely by housewives, pharmacy workers and coffee shops – to help survive the white clouds.

Tens of thousands of demonstrators were able to break through many of the police barriers and reach the city centres, including, of course, Tahrir Square. But the battles continued. There were tens of martyrs and thousands of injured at the end of that day of liberation – the day that ignited the Egyptian Revolution.

Demonstrations and battles continued during the following two days, but the main focus was on organising the "Friday of Rage" – January 28. This time the Muslim Brotherhood decided to participate.

The organisers were no longer just the "usual suspects” but thousands of new leaders – mostly working class youth who were better educated by days of actual revolution than years of political education.

After Friday prayers, hundreds of thousands started their marches from all the major mosques and squares towards the city centres. Hundreds of thousands reached Tahrir Square and began their famous occupation of it that only ended with Mubarak’s fall on February 11.

Popular committees started springing up all over the country to defend their neighbourhoods, to organise traffic and even to clean the streets. The protesters called for million-strong marches on Tuesday, February 1, in all major cities.

The reaction of the army generals was one of the major turning points in the revolution. Military spokesman General Ismail Othman declared on national television that the army recognised the legitimate demands of the people and would not shoot at them.

SACRIFICE

The army generals understood that ordering a crackdown by the troops would split the forces and turn thousands of soldiers and young officers against them. The army leaders were prepared to sacrifice Mubarak to save the regime.

Millions participated in the protests of that day including two million in Tahrir Square in Cairo, one million in Martyrs’ Square in Alexandria, 750,000 in Mansoura, and a quarter of a million in Suez. It was an unprecedented show of strength.

Thousands of banners and placards with the people's demands expressed through poetry, jokes and personal stories filled Tahrir Square. Graffiti, murals and slogans covered every building’s wall.
People shared food, water, and cigarettes. Songs, music, poetry and chants filled the air. A new Egypt was being created. The next day, a number of prominent billionaires, leaders of the ruling NDP party, and secret police officers, led by Gamal Mubarak, devised a plan for a full-blown attack on the demonstrators.

Dozens of horse and camel-riding thugs came charging at the demonstrators. Confused and bewildered at first, protesters fought back with their bare hands. The demonstrators quickly organised themselves into thick defence lines and stones and bricks were gathered from all over the square for the fightback.

An elaborate division of labour was devised.

The young and strong, particularly the working class youth, would take the frontlines as stone throwers. Others would break pavements to provide a steady flow of stones. Yet other groups would carry the stones to the frontlines.

Young women brought water to the fighters throughout that terrible but heroic night.

Snipers started aiming their laser pointers at the demonstrators. Tens of young demonstrators would climb the barricades and let the pointers aim at their chests. These were fearless fighters, with a clear aim and a clear message – either victory or death!

Blood flowed everywhere. Over a dozen young fighters were martyred during that night, their bodies carried with pride and determination by their comrades to the makeshift hospitals. Hundreds of the injured would return to the fighting immediately.

BATTLE

By dawn the battle had been won. The thugs and police were fleeing. They ran for their lives as the revolutionaries had reached the bridge and intersections outside the square and ran after the thugs. The majority of our enemies held either police or NDP identity cards.

By daybreak, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians joined their fellow demonstrators in order to show support and solidarity. The leaders of the protests had already called for massive demonstrations across Egypt on Friday after prayers, calling the event "Departure Day".

In the last week of the uprising a wave of mass strikes and demonstrations by workers in key sectors of the economy spread like wildfire, with both economic demands and the main revolutionary demand of removing Mubarak.

Suez, scene of some of the fiercest battles against the police on the Friday of Rage, led the way. On February 8, 6,000 Suez Canal workers went on strike, joining textile and steel workers. By February 10, the wave had spread from Alexandria in the north to Aswan in the south. Even the generals' own factories, where workers live under harsh military discipline, were alight with strikes.

The demonstrations on Friday, February 11, were the largest ever. Over 15 million people were estimated to have taken part in demonstrations all over the country.

Workers came out this time in organised demonstrations from their workplaces, signalling that they would paralyse the country if Mubarak did not back down. The same evening, our demand was finally met.

The first stage of the Egyptian Revolution had triumphed. Nearly a thousand were martyred, tens of thousands injured – but Mubarak was history.

*Leading Egyptian revolutionary socialist Sameh Naguib has written a pamphlet about the revolution that overthrew Hosni Mubarak – and where the struggle could go next. This article is an abridged version of what was published first by Socialist Worker on http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/art.php?id=25245

Human Trafficking: South Africa - Still waiting for an anti-human trafficking law

JOHANNESBURG, 30 June 2011 (IRIN) - South Africa has been identified as a major human-trafficking destination for victims from within the country, the region and beyond, yet there is no legislation that specifically criminalises human trafficking and protects victims.

The country is a signatory to the 2000 UN protocol to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons. In signing this document, also known as the Palermo Protocol, the government committed to adopting legislation to make human trafficking a criminal offence and began the process of drafting a law in 2003. However, the Prevention and Combating in Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Bill only reached parliament in March 2010 and there is no indication of when it will be passed.

The US State Department's annual snapshot of human trafficking around the world, released on 27 June, described the lack of legislation that "fully defines trafficking, empowers police and prosecutors, and outlines provisions and allocates funding for victim care [as] the greatest hindrance to anti-trafficking efforts in South Africa".

Until the TIP bill is finalized, police and prosecutors are using other laws that deal with sexual offences, employment-related offences, organized crime and kidnapping to deal with traffickers, but the penalties are often insufficient. Julayga Alfred, chairperson of the Western Cape Counter Trafficking Coalition and director of Annex, a local child rights NGO, also notes that the current laws are not always applicable.

"If its pure human trafficking, if, for example you were tricked [into a forced labour situation] and there was no kidnapping or rape, it becomes 'You say, I say', and very difficult to prosecute," she told IRIN. "This is a business where you can't be prosecuted, and it's thriving."

An unknown quantity

The actual extent to which human trafficking is flourishing in South Africa is unknown. "We really don't know what the nature of the problem is, what kinds of trafficking we're seeing… and without that it's very difficult to write legislation," Ingrid Palmary of the African Centre for Migration and Society at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, told IRIN.

The US State Department report lists various forms of trafficking in the country including children being taken from rural to urban areas to work in the sex trade or as domestic workers, and young men from Mozambique, Malawi and Zimbabwe labouring for months on South African farms without pay, but the hidden nature of the crime and the absence of specific legislation means there are no national statistics on the number of people being trafficked in or out of the country.

Zoe Rohde of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) said the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Justice, which is reviewing the TIP bill, attempted to compile statistics on human trafficking at the end of 2010 but received conflicting figures from different government departments.

"Between the SAPS [South African Police Service], Department of Justice and the NPA [National Prosecuting Authority], they all had different statistics," she said, adding that some victims, especially those trafficked within the country, are not handled by any government department.

IOM assisted 338 trafficking victims between 2004 and 2010, but according to the State Department report, as of March 2011 the NPA had initiated just 22 human trafficking prosecutions, and in 2010 there were just nine convictions, with all the offenders receiving suspended sentences or fines.

"There are many other cases that we just can't prove are trafficking," admitted Bonnie Currie, who heads the NPA's recently established Human Trafficking Rapid Response Team in Western Cape Province, where 15 cases are on the court roll. "People are getting away with it because it's not seen as an offence by the community at large."

Media reports have contributed to the widespread misperception that human trafficking only applies to women and children who have been taken by force from one country to another for the purposes of sexual exploitation.

The lengthy definition of human trafficking used in the TIP bill, which is drawn from the Palermo Protocol, includes fraud, deception and other forms of coercion as the means by which a trafficker may gain control over a victim, who may then be trafficked for the purpose of forced labour or servitude, not only sexual exploitation.

In South Africa, trafficking occurs not only across its borders but from rural to urban areas and the victims include men.

A government-commissioned study, conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council and published in 2010, was meant to fill in some of the gaps and inform the drafting of anti-trafficking legislation, but failed to provide hard data.

"We were very disappointed by it," said Palmary. "That was our one opportunity to figure out what trafficking is [taking place]."

Hype or reality?

In the absence of official statistics, the nature and extent of human trafficking in South Africa remains contentious. During the run-up to the 2010 FIFA World Cup, government and NGOs launched various public awareness campaigns warning of a likely spike in trafficking activity while the month-long event was taking place.

When no human trafficking cases were detected, a number of commentators complained that the threat had been exaggerated and that resources could have been better spent on tackling the many other serious crimes besetting the country.

Alfred of the Counter Trafficking Coalition agreed that there had been a certain amount of "hype" rather than substantive evidence, but insisted that human trafficking was taking place in South Africa every day, and that the awareness-raising ahead of the World Cup had been valuable.

During that period, the national human trafficking hotline run by Alfred's organization was receiving around 500 calls per month. "Now we're finding the calls have dwindled to about 250 a month, not because cases are down, but because awareness-raising is not as intense," she said.

Victim protection weak

A human trafficking law would give police and the NPA a better tool for prosecuting offenders, but is unlikely to halt this lucrative trade. The experience of Mozambique and Zambia, which both passed counter-trafficking laws in 2008, suggests that legislation can improve prosecution rates while doing little to help victims.

The State Department report points out that Mozambique has not taken the necessary steps to implement the protection and prevention provisions of its anti-trafficking law, and that Zambia’s protection for victims is also weak.

The South African government does not provide any funding for the care and accommodation of trafficking victims. "Victims have a variety of needs and there's a severe gap," Rohde of IOM confirmed. Poor screening by the police leads to some victims without documentation being arrested and deported.

The TIP bill prohibits the deportation of foreign trafficking victims and even provides for paying them compensation, but Rohde said implementation will depend on training for civil servants and political will.

IOM has held training sessions for officials from various government departments on how to identify and assist trafficking victims, and Alfred noted that several departments were drafting regulations in anticipation of the bill being enacted.

"There's an indication that they really want to implement," she said. "But only when the legislation is passed can they finalize the training and compel departments to do it."

Copyright © IRIN 2011. All rights reserved. This material comes to you via IRIN, the humanitarian news and analysis service of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. The opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations or its Member States. The boundaries, names and designations used on maps on this site and links to external sites do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the UN.

Aid: The Changing Landscape of Humanitarian Aid

Source: ISN

The mobilization of resources to a humanitarian disaster zone is as much political as it is logistical. Recent conflicts have called into question the neutrality principle to which humanitarian actors traditionally adhere. But delivering assistance in times of crisis depends largely on gaining access to reliable resources and information - often from biased actors.

By Cynthia Schweer for ISN Insights

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As the media continues to roll out scenes from Japan and Libya, the complexity of delivering humanitarian aid in times of crisis - be they natural or man-made - is abundantly clear. Each year, approximately 500 disasters kill an average of 75,000 people and affect nearly 200 million more. In 2009, the international community contributed a total of $15.1 billion to humanitarian efforts through government and private channels.

The alleviation of human suffering during humanitarian crises is largely an exercise in the efficient and rapid mobilization of material resources and human capacity. As a logistical exercise, humanitarian efforts require the synchronized delivery of human resources and both durable and perishable goods in difficult and uncertain environments. But the complexity is more than merely logistical. While resource mobilization has obvious human and economic implications, humanitarian efforts often have less evident political implications. Access to and allocation of resources and information is contingent on the cooperation of those wielding power.

Changing landscape

Prior to the 1990s, relief work was confined to a relatively small number of organizations, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Medecins Sans Frontiers (MSF), operating according to widely held principles of humanity, neutrality and impartiality. These organizations were allowed to operate in 'safe zones' because of their perceived independence from political and military motivations. However, this philosophy has come under scrutiny in the last two decades, as both the scale and complexity of crises have increased, while, at the same time, the number and variety of organizations have proliferated, creating a cacophony of players and motivations.

The changing landscape of humanitarian aid is driven by several forces. Katrin Radtke of Welthungerhilfe presents three theories for this change. First, aid has increasingly been 'co-opted' by non-humanitarian actors for military or political purposes. The blurring of lines between military operations and humanitarian assistance is most significant in Iraq and Afghanistan, where traditional civilian activities, such as the provision of relief supplies, water and sanitation have been taken on by military actors and, in many cases, private military contractors. Second, traditional humanitarian actors such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the UN are facing increased competition from newer entrants, who may or may not uphold the values and standards of the older cohort. Finally, war has increasingly shifted from conflict between nations to intra-state and civil conflict. Rebels and militia groups have less to gain by following international law, so they therefore feel less bound by conventions governing the humanitarian sphere.

The changing landscape has a number of implications for providers of humanitarian assistance. Blurred military-humanitarian boundaries, increased competition and changes in the nature of warfare make the provision of humanitarian aid more risky, which is manifest in increased violence against humanitarian workers in recent years. Less statistically evident, however, is how humanitarian efforts have been hindered when those wielding power in disaster zones restrict access or information flows to aid workers.

Humanitarian aid 'flows'

Luk van Wassenhove, professor of Operations Management at INSEAD and author of Humanitarian Logistics, describes three types of "flows" that support a supply chain: material, information and financial. In an environment with perfect 'flow,' the right goods get to the right people at the right place and time. In the case of humanitarian assistance for health, there is also the critical importance of delivering the appropriate human resources.

When the flow of material, human, informational or financial resources is impeded, the humanitarian mission experiences a bottleneck. A highly visible example was provided by the humanitarian effort in Haiti after the 2010 earthquake, when poor infrastructure, such as landing space for aircraft, significantly delayed the flow of materials and people into the country. In many cases, bottlenecks are structural and can be alleviated through disaster preparedness and disaster response activities, as described by van Wassenhove. Less studied, however, are the actions and remedies that can be taken if the bottleneck is politically induced.

Flow distortion

Politics plays a role in both the delivery and receipt of aid. In the delivery process, politicians must mobilize financial and material resources. In an ideal situation, the resources would match the needs and magnitude of the crisis, delivering the right amount of aid at the right time. Unfortunately, this rarely happens. The 'strategic' value of countries and regions often affects the amount of international aid that is mobilized and a perceived lack of importance can keep a crisis off the map and vice versa. The strategic allocation of aid has even been described as bribery, or more charitably, as "strategic investment".

The media also plays a significant role. Nearly one-fourth of humanitarian aid is generated through private donations, often motivated by media attention to specific crises. In isolation, this focus is positive, since without the spotlight such donations might not have been made. On the whole, however, the flood of donations to a specific crisis can easily overwhelm the aid delivery infrastructure, distorting the overall system. This happened with the 2004 tsunami, when a deluge of material donations created a "tsunami of misguided goodwill" that hindered relief efforts and, in one case, led to mountains of pricey pharmaceuticals being "dumped outside to rot under the monsoons and tropical sun."

The governments of those meant to be beneficiaries of aid can also distort resources and information, using aid as a tool of conflict. In many situations, the wounded are denied humanitarian and medical assistance for purely political reasons. This political angle has also been a critical issue in the current Libyan crisis. Humanitarian personnel, prevented in large part from entering the western part of the country - and unable to glean information from citizens fearful of reprisals - are seriously hindered in their efforts to gauge and prepare for the worsening medical crisis. The Lancet recently quoted Duccio Staderini, Médecins Sans Frontières' deputy program manager for emergencies, saying that "It is virtually impossible to enter or find out information about conditions in western Libya […] it reminds me of the second war in Chechnya, in which we had no access." Libyan officials have subsequently used images of civilian casualties and the wounded as tools to increase international pressure to end Allied support of the resistance.

Restricted access is only one way that aid can be used as a tool of conflict. Relief organizations can also become inadvertently associated with military operations through the misuse of resources, or even the misrepresentation of a brand or logo. Recent reports from the ICRC in Libya have showcased allegations that the emblems of the red cross and red crescent (used by ICRC workers to symbolize their commitment to neutrality and humanity) have been misused by military operations to transport of arms and soldiers.

Standards and technology

Many observers believe that new rules must be developed in response to this evolving humanitarian environment. The Sphere Project, a movement that emerged in response to the Rwandan genocide, released a new set of humanitarian standards this April. The Sphere Handbook is a response to the increasing number of players in the humanitarian sphere, designed to codify a set of standards to which actors can be held accountable. Matthias Schmale, Under-Secretary General of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, describes the standards as a "key input for dialogue with new actors in humanitarian response who are not necessarily driven by the humanitarian imperative, such as the military and private sector."

Others are counting on technology to reframe the debate on humanitarian access, allowing citizens and non-traditional informants to play a key role in providing information in times of crisis. Social media platforms like Twitter, and crowd-sourcing software such as Ushahidi, played a role in recent crises, providing timely information to activists and humanitarian agencies that need it to perform their activities.

The blurring of boundaries, a confluence of actors and changing norms in warfare presents a new set of challenges for those engaged in humanitarian activities. The flow of resources to areas of crisis will be impeded if information and access are increasingly denied. It is crucial that practitioners and politicians acknowledge the changes in the humanitarian environment, and create the policies and infrastructure necessary to ensure that aid will be available when needed most.

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Cynthia Schweer is a consultant and writer specializing in global health, public policy and scalable models for positive social change. She is based in Cape Town, South Africa and is the lead blogger for Global Health on the Foreign Policy Association's Foreign Affairs Blog Network (http://globalhealth.foreignpolicyblogs.com).

Peace Prizes: Robert Gates Gets Medal of Freedom

U.S. President Barack Obama on Thursday awarded retiring Defense Secretary Robert Gates the Presidential Medal of Freedom. The award came during a military tribute to Gates on his final day in office. VOA Correspondent Meredith Buel in Washington has details.

Greece: Greek austerity measures could violate human rights, UN expert says

The United Nations independent expert on foreign debt and human rights warned today that the austerity measures and structural reforms proposed to solve Greece’s debt crisis may result in violations of the basic human rights of the country’s people, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) reported.

“The implementation of the second package of austerity measures and structural reforms, which includes a wholesale privatization of state-owned enterprises and assets, is likely to have a serious impact on basic social services and therefore the enjoyment of human rights by the Greek people, particularly the most vulnerable sectors of the population such as the poor, elderly, unemployed and persons with disabilities,” said Cephas Lumina, who reports to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.

“The rights to food, water, adequate housing and work under fair and equitable conditions should not be compromised by the implementation of austerity measures,” he said, urging the Government to “strike a careful balance between austerity and the realization of human rights, taking into account the primacy of States’ human rights obligations.”

Mr. Lumina also called upon the authorities to maintain some fiscal leeway to meet its people’s basic human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights.

“Tax rises, public expenditure cuts and privatization measures have to be implemented in such a way that they do not result in unbearable suffering of the people,” he said.

“Debts can only be paid out of income,” Mr. Lumina said. “A shrinking economy cannot generate any revenue and contributes to a reduced capacity to repay the debt. More time should have been allowed for the restructuring measures already in place to work.”

The independent expert also called on the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Union (EU) and the European Central Bank (ECB) to remain aware of the human rights impact of the policies they design in attempting to resolve the sovereign debt crises in Greece and other countries.

“There will be no lasting solution to the sovereign debt problem if the human rights of the people are not taken into account,” said Mr. Lumina, who serves in an unpaid capacity.

African Union: President of Equatorial Guinea Urges Unity and Solidarity in Africa

SOURCE Republic of Equatorial Guinea

In a speech which called on all Africans to work together to solve problems facing the continent, President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, addressed leaders from Africa's 54 nations and around the world. President Obiang, who is also chairman of the African Union, told member countries that even though they are "often exposed to pressures created by external nations," they must work together to strengthen the resolve and influence of the union.

The Republic of Equatorial Guinea continues to host leaders from across the African continent and around the world at the 17th African Union Summit in Malabo. Following the theme "Accelerating Youth Empowerment for Sustainable Development," the conference held a Symposium on Youth Employment, organized by the World Health Organization in collaboration with the Department of Social Affairs and other institutions. The conference's goal is to highlight the steps recommended by the African Youth Forum held in Addis Ababa on the African Union Summit held earlier this year.

Building upon the theme of strengthening youth to foster positive growth on the continent, President Obiang stressed in his speech to the delegations, that the Union must invest in its young people to build the capacity of the continent. In such, President Obiang proposed hosting the new headquarters of an African Union Voluntary Youth Corp in Equatorial Guinea's new Sipopo development project.

The African Union Voluntary Youth Corp would work expeditiously to address development deficiencies and to overcome the limitations of Africa's leadership evolution and transition among the continents growing youth population.

President Obiang stressed the need for young people to play an active part in the betterment of the entire continent. The involvement of youth in the institutions of government, the economy and culture must be embraced.

Regarding the Arab Spring, "with revolutions claiming their rights against regimes in power," President Obiang said, "these claims cannot be considered as an negative force of youth, when the claims are just and necessary."

"The African Union Summit should be a new starting point that drives Africans together and strengthens the Union," concluded Obiang. This can only be achieved "through the unity of Africa and solidarity of African governments and their people."

President Obiang also participated in the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), at the 25th Orientation Committee of Heads of State and Government.

Heads of State and of Government continued to the 15th meeting of the forum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) led by the Ethiopian Prime Minister and Chairman of the Forum of the APRM, as well as Jean Ping, Chairman of the African Union Commission.

Bahrain: King Hamad of Bahrain Announces Creation of Independent Fact Finding Commission in Nationally Televised Speech

SOURCE Embassy of the Kingdom of Bahrain

In a nationally televised speech, His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa discussed Bahrain's current state of affairs and announced the formation of an independent fact-finding Commission that will look into the events that occurred in February and March of 2011.

"Citizens have the right to put [forward] their demands without being met violently; and in return, freedom must be exercised responsibly," His Majesty said. "Freedom of expression must not be exploited as a way to disturb public order".

The King stressed on the importance of meaningful dialogue and said that with "a dialogue of national consensus, encompassing the views of all sectors of Bahraini society, we can write a new chapter in our history." He described Bahrain as a, "land of Civilizations, where unprecedented men have set examples in giving, selflessness, loyalty to this homeland, and love of its fine people regardless of their color, race, religion or sect." He expressed his hope that all Bahrainis unite to address shared concerns in order to bring about a prosperous future for the country.

The independent fact finding committee was appointed after broad consultations with parties including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR). The commission brings together a team of politically independent figures with extensive expertise in international human rights law. Those individuals have been selected because of their international achievements.

The committee will submit its report to the Bahraini Government which in return will take the necessary action in response to its findings. His Majesty, King Hamad believes, "that its findings will reveal the truth" and will assist all Bahrainis "in putting events of the past behind us, as we move towards a brighter future of unity and cohesion."

Terrorism: "I don’t understand is how the killing of innocent people – like my son – is done in the name of the Qur’an?"

A victim of terrorism speaks out

by Bushra Mohsen

Antioch, Tennessee - When I recall my life – which I once thought would be normal, as most people assume theirs will be – I tend to divide it into three stages. One of those is the most traumatic, leaving deep wounds that have never ceased to cause me pain and suffering: the death of my nine-year-old son, Ali, at the hands of terrorists.

The first phase encompasses my identity and my family. I was born in the Middle East and lived most of my life there. God was good to me. I married and had four children: Mohammad, Ali, Ayah and Adyan. Happiness shone from their eyes when we were together, when they went to school or when they played.

This normal life, however, did not last for long. In 2007, which marks the onset of my life’s second phase, life would change forever. Ali was murdered as a result of being in the wrong place at the wrong time, in a terrorist attack.

I lost consciousness when I first heard the news, and then ran out into the street screaming. I felt I’d sunk into an abyss of desperation. I couldn’t feel my body or the presence of those around me. I felt like I was in a black hole.

After this event, I kept my children prisoners in their rooms. They were not allowed to leave the house because I feared that they too would be killed. I felt, strangely enough, that I too had turned into a terrorist, imposing my will on my young prisoners. After some time of exhibiting this kind of paranoid behaviour, I was told to seek professional help, and I began consulting on a regular basis with a psychiatrist, who tried to bring some life back into my numb body and soul.

The psychiatrist advised me to write a letter entitled, “Goodbye Ali”. This letter would, in time, help me comprehend his death and reach some sort of an emotional closure with what had happened to him.

During what I categorise as the third stage in my life, God has given me power and patience. The oppressed and the patient have their retribution and reward. Perhaps Ali is part of helping me feel this way, since he is in God’s heaven waiting for me, knowing that I will surely be joining him.

The Qur’an is meant to bring peace to all people. It prohibits killing and preaches peace. What I don’t understand then is how the killing of innocent people – like my son – is done in the name of the Qur’an? Terrorists have only blemished the name of Islam? Does God not say that "whosoever killeth a human being for other than manslaughter or corruption in the earth, it shall be as if he had killed all mankind, and whoso saveth the life of one, it shall be as if he had saved the life of all mankind" (Qur’an 5:32)?

Today, I find solace in my son Mohammad, who is studying to become an engineer, and my daughters Ayah, who is aspiring to be a dentist, and Adyan, who is still in high school, hoping to achieve her aspirations of going to university. I no longer live in my home country. But it is still alive in every part of me. After all, in its soil is housed my child, Ali.

###

* Bushra Mohsen is the victim of a terrorist attack during which she lost her young son. This article is part of a series on the consequences of terrorism written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews)
www.commongroundnews.org Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Thailand: The violence and abuses since 2010 demand that Thai political parties put forward a strong human rights agenda

Source: Human Rights Watch

Thailand's political parties and newly elected members of parliament should make human rights a priority following general elections scheduled for July 3, 2011, Human Rights Watch said today. During the election campaign, parties and candidates paid little attention to the country's deepening human rights crisis, particularly the lack of accountability for the violent confrontations in April and May 2010 that left at least 90 people dead. Other major concerns are the increasing repression of the media, and killings in the south and in the "war on drugs."

"The violence and abuses since 2010 demand that Thai political parties put forward a strong human rights agenda," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "But while speaking broadly about the need for reconciliation, they have failed miserably to present any concrete plans on how to reverse the continuing repression of basic rights."

Human Rights Watch called on all elected officials, whether in the majority or minority, to tackle the serious human rights problems facing the country. The government, the army, and the various political movements continue to trade accusations about responsibility for the loss of life and destruction of property during the 2010 upheavals, but the government needs to step forward to investigate and prosecute those responsible.

There has been no accountability for serious human rights violations, Human Rights Watch said. Human rights defenders have been murdered and "disappeared" without a single successful prosecution of those responsible. Thousands of extrajudicial killings and other serious abuses connected to the government's anti-drugs and counterinsurgency operations remain unresolved. Government interference with the media has resulted in enforced and self-imposed censorship. People holding dissident opinions, including those on the internet, have been subjected to harsh punishment.

"Holding elections will not make Thailand's human rights problems go away," Adams said. "For the country to move forward, Thai political parties will need to present concrete measures to end abuses, stop censorship, and eliminate impunity."

Lack of Accountability for Politically Motivated Violence

Thailand suffered political violence during 2010 that left at least 90 people dead and more than 2,000 injured and resulted in extensive damage from arson attacks in central Bangkok and several provincial capitals. Research by Human Rights Watch found that a number of factors contributed to these deaths and injuries, including excessive and unnecessary use of lethal force by government security forces, attacks by armed elements within the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD), known as the "Red Shirts," and incitement to violence by some UDD leaders (see Human Rights Watch report "Descent into Chaos").

Human Rights Watch called on all sides of the political divide to actively support and participate in credible, independent, and impartial inquiries into politically motivated violence and abuses. Holding all those responsible to account is needed to end the vicious cycle of violence and impunity in Thailand.

The government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva established the Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand (TRCT) to investigate and report on the 2010 political violence. However, the commission was not given all-important subpoena power, which is necessary to obtain evidence and question reluctant witnesses, particularly police officers and soldiers. The commission has been unable to obtain complete information about security force deployment plans and operations, autopsy reports, witness testimony, photos, or video footage from the now disbanded civilian-military Center for the Resolution of Emergency Situations (CRES). Other official inquiries, such as those conducted by the National Human Rights Commission and the Senate, have made little progress.

While the government has charged many protest leaders and UDD rank-and-file members with serious criminal offenses, very little progress has been made by the Justice Ministry's Department of Special Investigation and the police to prosecute soldiers and government officials implicated in abuses.

There have also been few serious investigations into alleged criminal offenses committed by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), known as the "Yellow Shirts," during the violent 2008 protests. Cases of senior PAD leaders and members have stalled before reaching trial, as have efforts to seek compensation for damages caused by their protest. At the same time, authorities made little progress to hold legally accountable the politicians identified as responsible for ordering police to use excessive force to disperse the PAD protesters rallying in front of the Parliament on October 7, 2008.

Crackdown on Media Freedom and Freedom of Expression

The Thai government has used vague and overbroad criminal laws to repress media freedom and freedom of expression. Using sweeping powers of the emergency decree proclaimed on April 7, 2010, Thai authorities shut down more than 1,000 websites, a satellite television station, online television channels, publications, and more than 40 community radio stations, most of which were considered closely aligned with the UDD.

Even after the state of emergency was lifted in December 2010, media outlets of the UDD continue to be targeted. On April 26, 2011, armed police officers joined officials from the National Broadcasting and Telecommunications Commission (NBTC) to raid 13 community radio stations in Bangkok and surrounding provinces associated with the UDD. The stations were forced off the air in response to a complaint filed by the army that they were broadcasting material deemed offensive to the monarchy.

Thai authorities use the Computer Crimes Act and article 112 of the penal code on lese majeste (insulting the monarchy) to enforce online censorship and persecute dissidents, particularly those connected with the UDD, accusing them of promoting anti-monarchy sentiments and threatening national security. The National Human Rights Commission estimates that there were more than 400 lese majeste cases in 2010, nearly a threefold increase from the 164 cases in the previous year.

Abuses in the Southern Border Provinces

Since January 2004, Thailand's southern border provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat have been the scene of a brutal internal armed conflict. More than 90 percent of the 4,000 people killed have been civilians, from both the ethnic Thai Buddhist and ethnic Malay Muslim communities. The Pejuang Kemerdekaan Patani insurgents in the loose network of National Revolution Front-Coordinate use violence to drive out the Thai Buddhist population, keep Malay Muslims under control, and discredit the Thai authorities.

The government's counterinsurgency campaign has been characterized by extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention, and torture. In some instances, these abuses were reprisals for insurgent attacks on the Thai Buddhist population and security personnel. State agencies at all levels, including the newly created Southern Border Provinces Administration Center, have failed to hold abusive officials accountable. No member of the security forces, either from regular or volunteer units, has been prosecuted for human rights abuses in the southern border provinces.

Thai authorities have also failed to resolve satisfactorily any of the enforced disappearance cases, including the "disappearance" and presumed murder of the prominent Muslim lawyer Somchi Neelapaijit by a group of police officers in March 2004. The Emergency Decree on Public Administration in Emergency Situation, enforced in the southern border provinces since 2005, gives government officials and security personnel effective immunity from prosecution for most acts committed while enforcing the decree.

Abusive "War on Drugs"

Thailand continues to face a boom in the use and trafficking of methamphetamines. For that reason, harsh measures against traffickers are politically popular. During the 2003 "war on drugs" campaign of then-Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's government, thousands of people across Thailand were killed and many more were arbitrarily arrested.

The 2007 Independent Committee for the Investigation, Study and Analysis of the Formulation and Implementation of Narcotic Suppression Policy found that the policy formulation and assessment of the "war on drugs" were driven by all-out efforts to achieve the campaign's political goals rather than respecting human rights and due process of law. The committee recommended further inquiry into the killings of 2,819 people during the "war on drugs." Prime Minister Abhisit's government announced support for reopening those cases. But his government then made almost no progress in bringing those responsible to justice, or in ending systematic police brutality and the abuse of power in drug suppression operations.

There are also concerns regarding the policy that subjects drug users to compulsory treatment at facilities run by the military and the Interior Ministry. Each year, 10,000 to 15,000 people are sent to such centers, where drug treatment is based on boot-camp-style physical exercise. Most people sent there experience withdrawal from drugs with little or no medical supervision or medication.

© Copyright 2010, Human Rights Watch

Conflict: Calls for stepped-up action against attackers of children in armed conflicts

Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (right) and Amb. Peter Wittig of Germany at panel discussion on children and armed conflict

UN - Ban Ki-moon today reiterated his concern over the growing number of attacks on schools and hospitals and threats to children in armed conflicts around the world, stating that the United Nations is considering targeted measures against those who commit such crimes.

“Beyond naming and shaming, we have a further tool we can consider employing to safeguard schools and hospitals in conflict,” said Mr. Ban at a panel discussion organized by Radhika Coomaraswamy, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, and Germany’s Ambassador to the UN, Peter Wittig, ahead of next month’s general debate on the issue in the Security Council.

“The threat of targeted measures against repeat violators – especially non-State actors – is credible and effective,” the Secretary-General said.

He said the protection of schools and hospitals is central to the UN’s work to protect children from those who seek to deny them education and health care.

“Let us resolve to keep up the pressure on all who violate the rights of children in conflict, whether it is in conscripting child soldiers or threatening schools and hospitals,” said Mr. Ban.

He welcomed in efforts to negotiate a Security Council resolution that will add attacks on schools and hospitals as a listing criteria in his annual reports on children and armed conflict.

The Secretary-General noted that initiatives by the UN, governments, civil society and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on previous listed violations, such as the recruitment and use of children in conflict, have yielded positive results.

“These efforts – and the ‘action plan’ concept laid out in Security Council resolution 1539 and later resolutions – have led to the signing of 15 action plans covering nine conflict arenas,” he said. Under the resolution, parties named in the Secretary-General’s reports on children and armed conflict are obliged to prepare concrete time-bound action plans to halt recruitment and use of children.

Mr. Ban commended Chad for undertaking to separate all children associated with its security forces. Once Chad’s action plan is implemented, the country will be removed from the “list of shame.”

“I encourage the governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Myanmar and Sudan, as well as the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia, to follow suit,” Mr. Ban added.

The panellists at today’s discussion included Irina Bokova, the Director-General of the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and Martin Mogwanja, the Deputy Executive Director of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

Sheikha Moza bint Nasser, Consort of the Emir of Qatar and UNESCO’s Special Envoy on basic and higher education, gave the keynote speech.

Conflict: 225,000 Killed - But Democracy Eludes Afghanistan and Iraq

Photo Credit: theredphoenix.files.wordpress.com

By S. Chandler

Courtesy IDN-InDepth NewsReport

TORONTO (IDN) - At least 225,000 civilians and men and women in uniform have been killed in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, which also involved Pakistan, and will cost the U.S. up to $4 trillion, albeit without any significant gains for democracy, says a new report that stands out for its first comprehensive analysis some ten years after George W. Bush junior declared the 'War on Terror'.

This exceptional analysis of the horrendous human, economic and social and political costs of the three wars has been published by the Eisenhower Research Project based at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Studies. It warns that "if the wars continue, they are on track to require at least another $450 billion in Pentagon spending by 2020."

The Institute's 'Costs of War' project, which involved more than 20 economists, anthropologists, lawyers, humanitarian personnel, and political scientists, provides new estimates of the total war cost as well as other direct and indirect human and economic costs of the U.S. military response to the 9/11 attacks.

The project is the first comprehensive analysis of all U.S., coalition, and civilian casualties, including U.S. contractors. It also assesses many of the wars' hidden costs, such as interest on war-related debt and veterans’ benefits.

Catherine Lutz, the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Family Professor of Anthropology and International Studies at Brown University, co-directs the Eisenhower Research Project with Neta Crawford, a 1985 Brown graduate and professor of political science at Boston University.

The report's main findings are:

- The U.S. wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan will cost between $3.2 and $4 trillion, including medical care and disability for current and future war veterans. This figure does not include substantial probable future interest on war-related debt.

- More than 31,000 people in uniform and military contractors have died, including the Iraqi and Afghan security forces and other military forces allied with the United States.

- By a very conservative estimate, 137,000 civilians have been killed in Iraq and Afghanistan by all parties to these conflicts.

- The wars have created more than 7.8 million refugees among Iraqis, Afghans, and Pakistanis.

- Pentagon bills account for half of the budgetary costs incurred and are a fraction of the full economic cost of the wars.

- Because the war has been financed almost entirely by borrowing, $185 billion in interest has already been paid on war spending, and another $1 trillion could accrue in interest alone through 2020.

- Federal obligations to care for past and future veterans of these wars will likely total between $600-$950 billion. This number is not included in most analyses of the costs of war and will not peak until mid-century.

"This project's accounting is important because information is vital for the public's democratic deliberation on questions of foreign policy," said Lutz. "Knowing the actual costs of war is essential as the public, Congress and the President weigh the drawdown of troops in Afghanistan, and other areas including the deficit, security, public investments, and reconstruction."

"There are many costs and consequences of war that cannot be quantified, and the consequences of wars don't end when the fighting stops," Crawford said. "The Eisenhower study group has made a start at counting and estimating the costs in blood, treasure, and lost opportunities that are both immediately visible and those which are less visible and likely to grow even when the fighting winds down."

The Eisenhower Research Project is a new, nonpartisan, non-profit, scholarly initiative that derives its purpose from President Eisenhower's 1961 farewell address, in which he warned of the "unwarranted influence" of the military-industrial complex and appealed for an "alert and knowledgeable citizenry" as the only force able to balance the often contrasting demands of security and liberty in the democratic state.

The report says: "The President of the United States has told the American people and the rest of the world that even as the U.S. withdraws some troops from Afghanistan and continues to withdraw from Iraq, the wars will continue for some years," adding: "The debate over why each war was begun and whether either or both should have been fought continues."

"While we know how many U.S. soldiers have died in the wars (just over 6000), what is startling is what we don't know about the levels of injury and illness in those who have returned from the wars. New disability claims continue to pour into the VA, with 550,000 just through last fall. Many deaths and injuries among U.S. contractors have not been identified," notes the report.

At least 137,000 civilians have died and more will die in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan as a result of the fighting at the hands of all parties to the conflict, the report adds. It points out that the armed conflict in Pakistan, which the U.S. helps the Pakistani military fight by funding, equipping and training them, has taken as many lives as the conflict in neighbouring Afghanistan.

Putting together the conservative numbers of war dead, in uniform and out, brings the total to 225,000, says the report.

In addition, millions of people have been displaced indefinitely and are living in grossly inadequate conditions. The current number of war refugees and displaced persons -- 7,800,000 -- is equivalent to all of the people of Connecticut and Kentucky fleeing their homes, informs the report.

EROSION OF CIVIL LIBERTIES

The report further notes that the wars have been accompanied by erosions in civil liberties at home and human rights violations abroad.

"The human and economic costs of these wars will continue for decades, some costs not peaking until mid-century. Many of the wars' costs are invisible to Americans, buried in a variety of budgets, and so have not been counted or assessed," the report says.

"For example," it adds, "while most people think the Pentagon war appropriations are equivalent to the wars’ budgetary costs, the true numbers are twice that, and the full economic cost of the wars much larger yet. Conservatively estimated, the war bills already paid and obligated to be paid are $3.2 trillion in constant dollars. A more reasonable estimate puts the number at nearly $4 trillion."

As with former U.S. wars, the costs of paying for veterans' care into the future will be a sizable portion of the full costs of the war, warns the report.

The ripple effects on the U.S. economy have also been significant, including job loss and interest rate increases, and those effects have been underappreciated, notes the report.

While it was promised that the U.S. invasions would bring democracy to both countries, Afghanistan and Iraq, both continue to rank low in global rankings of political freedom, with warlords continuing to hold power in Afghanistan with U.S. support, and Iraqi communities more segregated today than before by gender and ethnicity as a result of the war.

The report confirms the widespread view that "serious and compelling alternatives to war were scarcely considered in the aftermath of 9/11 or in the discussion about war against Iraq." Though, some of those alternatives are still available to the U.S.

The report points out: "There are many costs of these wars that we have not yet been able to quantify and assess. With our limited resources, we focused on U.S. spending, U.S. and allied deaths, and the human toll in the major war zones, Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan. There is still much more to know and understand about how all those affected by the wars have had their health, economies, and communities altered by the decade of war, and what solutions exist for the problems they face as a result of the wars’ destruction."

Corruption: TBW executive sentenced to 30 years for role in $2.9 billion fraud scheme

U.S. Department of Justice

WASHINGTON—The former chairman and owner of Taylor, Bean & Whitaker (TBW) was sentenced today to 30 years in prison and ordered to forfeit approximately $38.5 million for his role in a more than $2.9 billion fraud scheme that contributed to the failure of TBW and Colonial Bank. At one time, TBW was one of the largest privately held mortgage lending companies in the United States and Colonial Bank was one of the 25 largest banks in the United States.

Lee Bentley Farkas was sentenced today by U.S. District Judge Leonie M. Brinkema in the Eastern District of Virginia. The sentence was announced by Assistant Attorney General Lanny A. Breuer of the Criminal Division; U.S. Attorney Neil H. MacBride for the Eastern District of Virginia; Acting Special Inspector General Christy Romero for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (SIGTARP); Assistant Director in Charge James W. McJunkin of the FBI’s Washington Field Office; Michael P. Stephens, Deputy Inspector General of the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD-OIG); Jon T. Rymer, Inspector General of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC-OIG); Steve A. Linick, Inspector General of the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA-OIG); and Victor S. O. Song, Chief of the Internal Revenue Service-Criminal Investigation (IRS-CI).

On April 19, 2011, after a 10-day trial, a federal jury found Farkas, 58, of Ocala, Fla., guilty of 14 counts, including one count of conspiracy to commit bank, wire, and securities fraud; six counts of bank fraud; four counts of wire fraud; and three counts of securities fraud. According to court documents and evidence presented at trial, Farkas and his co-conspirators engaged in a scheme that misappropriated more than $1.4 billion from Colonial Bank’s Mortgage Warehouse Lending Division (MWLD) in Orlando, Fla., and approximately $1.5 billion from Ocala Funding, a mortgage lending facility controlled by TBW. Farkas and his co-conspirators misappropriated this money to, among other things, cover TBW’s operating expenses. The fraud scheme contributed to the failures of Colonial Bank and TBW.

Six other individuals have pleaded guilty and have been sentenced for their roles in the fraud scheme. Catherine Kissick, a former senior vice president of Colonial Bank and head of the MWLD was sentenced to eight years in prison. Desiree Brown, the former treasurer of TBW, was sentenced to six years in prison. Paul Allen, the former chief executive officer of TBW, was sentenced to 40 months in prison. Ray Bowman, the former president of TBW, was sentenced to 30 months in prison. Teresa Kelly, a former operations supervisor for Colonial Bank’s MWLD, and Sean Ragland, a former senior financial analyst at TBW, were each sentenced to three months in prison.

The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has civil actions pending against Farkas, Brown, Kissick, Kelly, and Allen in the Eastern District of Virginia.

“Lee Farkas’ boundless greed ultimately led not to a life of luxury, but to a prison cell,” said Assistant Attorney General Breuer. “Mr. Farkas orchestrated a fraud of staggering proportions, the effects of which are still being felt by the thousands of former employees of TBW and Colonial Bank, and shareholders of Colonial BancGroup. From a $28 million private jet and vacation homes in Maine and Key West, to expensive antique cars and restaurants, Mr. Farkas plundered his company and Colonial Bank to prop up his failing business and to feed his ostentatious lifestyle. When greed and risky behavior lead individuals to break the law, we will do everything in our power to investigate, prosecute and punish those responsible.”

“Today’s sentence ensures that Lee Farkas will spend the rest of his life in prison and is just punishment for a man who pulled off one the largest bank frauds in history,” said U.S. Attorney MacBride. “Between 2007 and August 2009, as the country faced one of the worst financial crises in recent history—largely sparked by fraudulent mortgage-related transactions—Farkas ramped up his scheme to rip off banks through sales of fake mortgage assets and by double-and triple-selling mortgage loans. By causing the failure of Colonial Bank and TBW, two significant players in the mortgage market, Farkas’s scheme affected those at the heart of the financial crisis, including major financial institutions, government agencies, taxpayers, and employees and investors.”

According to court documents and evidence presented at trial, the fraud scheme began in 2002, when Farkas and his co-conspirators ran overdrafts in TBW bank accounts at Colonial Bank in order to cover TBW’s cash shortfalls. Farkas and his co-conspirators at TBW and Colonial Bank transferred money between accounts at Colonial Bank to hide the overdrafts. Evidence presented at trial showed that after the overdrafts grew to more than $100 million, Farkas and his co-conspirators covered up the overdrafts and operating losses by causing Colonial Bank to purchase from TBW over time more than $1.5 billion in what amounted to worthless mortgage loan assets, including loans that TBW had already sold to other investors and fake pools of loans purportedly being formed into mortgage-backed securities. Farkas and his co-conspirators caused Colonial Bank to report these assets on its books at face value when in fact the mortgage loan assets were worthless. By August 2009, approximately $500 million in fake pools of loans remained on Colonial Bank’s books.

According to court documents and evidence presented at trial, Farkas and his co-conspirators at TBW also misappropriated more than $1.5 billion from Ocala Funding. Ocala Funding sold asset-backed commercial paper to financial institution investors, including Deutsche Bank and BNP Paribas Bank. Ocala Funding, in turn, was required to maintain collateral in the form of cash and/or mortgage loans at least equal to the value of outstanding commercial paper.

Evidence presented at trial established that Farkas and his co-conspirators diverted cash from Ocala Funding to TBW to cover its operating losses, and as a result, created significant deficits in the amount of collateral Ocala Funding possessed to back the outstanding commercial paper. To cover up the diversions, the conspirators sent false information to Deutsche Bank, BNP Paribas Bank and other financial institution investors and led them to falsely believe that they had sufficient collateral backing the commercial paper they had purchased. When TBW failed in August 2009, the banks were unable to redeem their commercial paper for full value. Farkas and his co-conspirators also caused approximately $900 million in loans to be held on Colonial Bank’s books when in fact the loans had already been sold to Freddie Mac and other investors.

According to court documents and evidence at trial, in the fall of 2008, Colonial Bank’s holding company, Colonial BancGroup Inc., applied for $570 million in taxpayer funding through the Capital Purchase Program (CPP), a sub-program of the U.S. Treasury Department’s Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP). In connection with the application, Colonial BancGroup submitted financial data and filings that included materially false information related to mortgage loans and securities held by Colonial Bank as a result of the fraudulent scheme perpetrated by Farkas and his co-conspirators. Colonial BancGroup’s TARP application was conditionally approved for $553 million contingent on the bank raising $300 million in private capital.

Evidence at trial established that Farkas and his co-conspirators falsely informed Colonial BancGroup that they had identified sufficient investors to satisfy the TARP capital contingency. Farkas and his TBW co-conspirators diverted $25 million from Ocala Funding into an escrow account and falsely represented that the money was on behalf of capital raise investors. Farkas and his TBW co-conspirators caused Colonial BancGroup to issue a false and misleading financial statement to the SEC and a press release announcing the success of the capital raise. Ultimately, Colonial BancGroup did not receive any TARP funds.

Evidence at trial also established that Farkas and his co-conspirators caused Colonial BancGroup to file materially false financial data with the SEC regarding its assets in annual reports contained in Forms 10-K and quarterly filings contained in Forms 10-Q. Colonial BancGroup’s materially false financial data included overstated assets for mortgage loans that had little to no value that Farkas and his co-conspirators caused Colonial Bank to purchase. Farkas and his co-conspirators also caused TBW to submit materially false financial data to the Government National Mortgage Association (Ginnie Mae) in order to extend TBW’s authority to issue Ginnie Mae mortgage-backed securities.

According to court documents and evidence presented at trial, Farkas also personally misappropriated more than $38.5 million from TBW and Colonial Bank to finance his lifestyle, including purchasing multiple homes, scores of cars, a jet and sea plane, and restaurants and bars.

In August 2009, the Alabama State Banking Department, Colonial Bank’s regulator, seized the bank and appointed the FDIC as receiver. Colonial BancGroup also filed for bankruptcy in August 2009.

“During the housing and financial crisis, while many American taxpayers struggled just to keep their heads above water, Farkas lived in the lap of luxury using the more than $38 million that he stole from TBW and Colonial Bank,” said Acting Inspector General Romero of SIGTARP. “Farkas used the stolen money to buy a jet, expensive antique and collector cars including a Rolls Royce, and multiple vacation homes, all while masterminding a fraud of stunning scope. His fraud began to unravel when he tried to obtain TARP funds to fill the billions of dollars of holes at TBW and Colonial Bank. He failed and his fraud was discovered by SIGTARP and its law enforcement partners. Shameless in his duping of investors and regulators, he attempted to deceive taxpayers. The judge’s sentence today makes it clear that Farkas will leave his lavish lifestyle behind and spend his golden years locked up in prison.”

“Through his scheme, Lee Farkas and his co-conspirators victimized innocent people and in the process their actions led to the collapse of two major U.S. financial institutions, no doubt a contributing factor to the nation’s financial downturn,” said Assistant Director McJunkin. “Today’s sentence does not make the victims whole, but it does punish the major architect of these crimes.”

“Lee Farkas was the mastermind behind one of the largest fraud schemes in history involving a mortgage lending company. For more than eight years, Farkas perpetuated his scam to defraud banks, regulators and taxpayers,” said Deputy Inspector General Stephens of the HUD-OIG. “We remain firmly committed to rooting out fraud at all levels of an institution—from the bottom to the very top—and holding those who engage in such destructive activity ultimately accountable to the American people.”

“We are pleased to join our colleagues in announcing the sentencing of Lee Farkas, whose actions contributed to the failure of Colonial Bank, causing a $4.2 billion loss to the FDIC’s Deposit Insurance Fund,” said Inspector General Rymer of the FDIC-OIG. “We appreciate the collaborative relationships with law enforcement partners that led to the successful outcomes of this case, one of the largest bank fraud prosecutions of our time. We also acknowledge the efforts of our FDIC colleagues, who, acting in their receivership capacity, assisted the prosecution in unraveling the complexities of this fraud. The American public needs to know that those who undermine the integrity of the financial services system will be held accountable. We are committed to helping maintain confidence in the financial system, ensure the safety and soundness of FDIC-insured institutions, and protect the viability of the insurance fund.”

“In the midst of the worst housing finance crisis since the great depression, Lee Farkas led a scheme that defrauded Freddie Mac and, in turn, the American taxpayers who have invested over $63 billion in Freddie Mac to cover its losses,” said Inspector General Linick of the FHFA-OIG. “Today’s sentence makes it clear that mortgage-related fraud will not be tolerated.”

The case is being prosecuted by Deputy Chief Patrick Stokes and Trial Attorney Robert Zink of the Criminal Division’s Fraud Section and Assistant U.S. Attorneys Charles Connolly and Paul Nathanson of the Eastern District of Virginia. This case was investigated by SIGTARP, FBI’s Washington Field Office, FDIC-OIG, HUD-OIG, FHFA-OIG and the IRS-CI. The department recognizes the substantial assistance of the SEC. The department also recognizes the assistance of the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) of the Department of the Treasury.

This prosecution was brought in coordination with President Barack Obama’s Financial Fraud Enforcement Task Force. President Obama established the interagency Financial Fraud Enforcement Task Force to wage an aggressive, coordinated and proactive effort to investigate and prosecute financial crimes. The task force includes representatives from a broad range of federal agencies, regulatory authorities, inspectors general and state and local law enforcement who, working together, bring to bear a powerful array of criminal and civil enforcement resources. The task force is working to improve efforts across the federal executive branch, and with state and local partners, to investigate and prosecute significant financial crimes, ensure just and effective punishment for those who perpetrate financial crimes, combat discrimination in the lending and financial markets, and recover proceeds for victims of financial crimes. For more information about the task force visit: www.StopFraud.gov.